Those rumors have never been substantiated, but efforts to probe the company’s ownership and finances have sometimes proved perilous. Bill Browder, an American-born London-based financier who used to work in Moscow but now faces arrest if he returns, first came under attack from the Russian authorities for tax fraud and other alleged crimes after he started digging into the oil company’s affairs in the early 2000s.
One of the most secretive Russian tycoons, Mr. Bogdanov avoids flaunting his wealth. He is known as the “hermit of Siberia” because, unlike many Russian billionaires, he does not live in Moscow, but has stayed close to his Siberian oil fields.
Oleg V. Deripaska, industrial tycoon tied to Paul Manafort
Mr. Deripaska controls Basic Element, which in turn owns more than 100 Russian and international companies. He laid the foundation of his empire in the “aluminum wars” of the 1990s, a vicious struggle for control of natural resources in which he emerged triumphant, becoming the undisputed king of aluminum production in Russia.
Mr. Deripaska, 50, married Polina Yumasheva, whose father, Valentin Yumashev, worked for former President Boris N. Yeltsin and married Mr. Yeltsin’s daughter, Tatyana Dyachenko. Mr. Yumashev and Mr. Putin were both top aides to Mr. Yeltsin in the late 1990s.
Later, Mr. Deripaska employed Paul Manafort, the political consultant who later became director of President Trump’s 2016 campaign. Mr. Manafort has since offered to testify in an investigation into Russia’s role in the election. Mr. Deripaska and Mr. Manafort have since feuded, tangling over money that each accuses the other of owing.
Mr. Deripaska was at the center of a recent video investigation, put together by Aleksei A. Navalny, an anti-corruption campaigner and a vociferous opponent of President Putin. The investigation found that Mr. Deripaska organized an outing on his luxury yacht, attended by Sergei Prikhodko, deputy prime minister of Russia and a Kremlin foreign policy adviser, and female escorts.
Suleiman A. Kerimov, gold magnate and politician
Mr. Kerimov, 52, is both the owner of Polyus, Russia’s biggest gold mining company, and a member of the Federation Council, the upper chamber of Russian parliament. He has been under investigation in France for tax fraud and money laundering, suspected of buying several villas in Cap d’Antibes through shell companies.
He was one of the main donors to the construction of Moscow’s cathedral mosque, which was opened by President Putin and Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan in 2015. He is a native of Derbent, Dagestan, an ancient walled town in the North Caucasus, on the border with Azerbaijan.
Igor A. Rotenberg, heir to a construction fortune
Mr. Rotenberg, 44, is the son of Arkady R. Rotenberg, Putin’s former judo partner, and their family’s business fortunes have gone hand-in-hand with Putin’s political career. Igor Rotenberg is a junior partner in one of the country’s largest construction companies, controlled by his father and his uncle.
The family’s company was awarded lavish contracts to build pipelines for Gazprom, the state-controlled energy giant, and a bridge to Crimea, the Ukrainian Black Sea peninsula annexed by Russia in 2014. Igor Rotenberg owns 50 percent of a company that collects tolls from Russian truckers, who protested in vain in 2015 over what they denounced as extortionate fees.
His cousin, Roman Rotenberg, is vice president of the Russian hockey federation.
Kirill N. Shamalov, said to have been Putin’s son-in-law
Mr. Shamalov, 36, became a high-ranking executive and large shareholder of Sibur, a gas processing and petrochemical company, shortly before he married Katerina Tikhonova, who is widely believed to be Mr. Putin’s daughter.
In 2014, a year after their marriage, the state-owned Gazprombank lent Mr. Shamalov $1 billion, which he used to buy a much larger stake in the company, 17 percent, from Gennady Timchenko, a businessman and member of Putin’s inner circle. Around the time Mr. Shamalov was reported to have separated from Ms. Tikhonova, he sold roughly the same portion of the company’s shares.
Mr. Shamalov’s father, Nikolai, was a former member of the Ozero dacha compound near St. Petersburg, together with Mr. Putin.
Andrei V. Skoch, billionaire parliamentarian
Mr. Skoch, 52, a member of the Russian parliament, part owner of a steel company, and a shareholder in the investment conglomerate run by Alisher B. Usmanov, a close associate of Mr. Putin’s, who controls one of Russia’s largest phone companies.
Numerous media reports have linked Mr. Skoch to organized crime — specifically to the syndicate known as the Solntsevo gang.
Viktor F. Vekselberg, one of Russia’s wealthiest men
Mr. Vekselberg, 60, who is close to the Kremlin, is the founder and principal owner of Renova Group, a large investment conglomerate with an array of assets around the world, including metals production, energy, telecommunications and banking companies, and a number of Russian airports.
Like many of Russia’s oligarchs, he capitalized on the fire sale of state-owned assets in the 1990s. But unlike some who are known primarily for crony capitalism and corrupt deals, Mr. Vekselberg is seen as a serious businessman.
Forbes Magazine estimates his worth at $14.6 billion, making him one of Russia’s ten wealthiest people, and the richest on the sanctions list.
In 2013, he opened the Faberge Museum in St. Petersburg in a lavishly restored former mansion, to display a collection of famed Faberge Imperial Easter eggs he bought from the Forbes family in 2004.
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